Constitutional revolution books; Description of struggle and victory

The Iranian constitutionalism movement was a set of efforts and events in thought and action with the aim of limiting the powers of the king in the royal system and institutionalizing fundamental rights in the country - freedom individual, judicial justice, the rule of law, etc. - started and led to the change of Iran's political system from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional monarchy and is called the constitutional revolution. Constitutional revolution books; Description of struggle and victory

The Iranian constitutionalism movement was a set of efforts and events in thought and action with the aim of limiting the powers of the king in the royal system and institutionalizing fundamental rights in the country - freedom individual, judicial justice, the rule of law, etc. - started and led to the change of Iran's political system from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional monarchy and is called the constitutional revolution.

In the second half of the nineteenth century, the result of establishing commercial and political relations Asian and African countries with Europeans, the acceleration of development in those countries, the transition from a financial economy to an economy dependent on cash-generating products, an increase in the export of raw materials instead of products and artifacts, an increase in unemployment among workers, etc.

At this time, the Europeans became the bankers of the world through signing contracts and writing various political and commercial treaties. They went to the ends of the world, obtained cheap raw materials and sold their products to the world at exorbitant prices.

Thus, by using their economic superiority and military force, they were able to conquer lands and spread Christianity. give, use European languages exclusively in education and exploit the countries.

When their transition fell to China, Ottomans, Iran and Russia, they flaunted their military force and after concluding imposed contracts They were able to make them dependent. The intervention of Europe in these countries caused a kind of self-awareness among intellectuals, rulers and the literate class.

Iranians living in India who closely followed the various developments that led to the writing of the "Indian Council Act", the dissolution of the East India Company and the founding They met "Indian National Congress". Among the compatriots who lived in that country was Nasrullah Malek-ul-Mutkalmin, one of the active leaders of Iran's constitutionalism, who wrote a book entitled "Man al-Khalq al-Haq" about the politics and society of India.

But the Russian Revolution in 1905 It had such an impact on Iranians that commentators believe that revolution was the model of Iran's constitutional revolution.

In the last years of the 19th century, Western influence in Iran began with the military pressure of Russia and England, which resulted in nothing but shameful treaties. Turkmanchai and Golestan were not ruled by Fath Ali Shah. Britain also occupied areas of southern Iran and accepted the Paris agreement to the king. As a result of these agreements, the city of Tabriz and its southern regions were returned to Iran, in exchange for the right of navigation in the Caspian Sea, and the regions that are now called Armenia and Georgia were separated from the country.

Consecutive failures, loss of land The country and... showed the necessity of turning to new science, knowledge and technology with the aim of bridging the backwardness. For this reason, the people tried to somehow persuade the rulers to reform the affairs and improve the cultural, social, economic and political conditions.

Iran's reform movement - constitutional - in the political sphere on December 21 of the year 1281 began. Alaa al-Dawlah, the ruler of Tehran, scolded the merchants of Tehran because of the increase in the price of sugar. The consequences of this action were protests and a sit-in by Seyyed Mohammad Tabatabai and Seyyed Abdullah Behbahani, famous religious scholars in Qom and guild owners in the garden of the British Embassy in Tehran.

In the hundred and thirteen years that have passed since the constitutional revolution, hundreds Documents, articles, reports, treatises, dialogues, speeches, statements, memoirs and books have been written and published in this field. With this introduction, in this article, which was written on the occasion of the anniversary of the constitutional revolution, six important books of this important period of the country's history have been introduced to those interested in contemporary history. /2208/23143-2.jpg" class="content-pics" alt=" Constitutional revolution books; Description of struggle and victory" title=" Constitutional revolution books; Description of struggle and victory" loading="lazy">

This work, written by Nazim-ul-Islam Kermani, is one of the most important sources for studying the constitution. At first glance, the book looks like the author's diary. But what separates it from the list of memoirs and puts it among the chronicle books is that the author of the book was a journalist and tried to provide reports on the general state of society and the movement of people towards the revolution apart from his memoirs.

Mirza Mohammad Nazemul Islam Kermani was the author and franchise owner of Kokb Dari newspaper and he was closely involved in the constitutional movement and was one of Seyyed Mohammad Tabatabai's friends. He was elected as the head of the school of Islam, which was founded by the son of Ayatollah Tabatabai, and received the title of Nazim-ul-Islam. The ball closing of the parliament continues. He is present in most of the gatherings and protests and he left Tehran in two migrations along with other scholars and was among the representatives who talked with the Shah's envoys. He writes in a simple language and away from some literary arrays of the language of the Qajar period, and this increases the importance of this book, so that Edward Brown wrote about the history of awakening, which in terms of style and phrasing is higher than the works written in the Qajar period in a historical context. It is.

The story of Seyyed Mohammad's visit Tabataba'i with Ain al-Dawlah is one of the important narratives of the constitutional era that is mentioned in the book Nazim al-Salam and other sources quoted from this book. "The printing of this volume on the history of the awakening of Iranians was completed in 1346, at a time when Iran's regime was still nominally constitutional and the constitution approved in Dhu Qadah 1324 as the most sacred national document of this country was apparently valid. In that atmosphere, on the day when I honestly took time off from printing the text of the book and took up the pen to analyze its contents as an "introduction", I found myself in such a tight spot due to the unfavorable conditions of my time that I had no choice but to continue in silence. Giving and giving up any interpretation and explanation. The secret of the heart because you can't tell what is the use of words?

The common feature of dictatorial regimes - in addition to brutality and corruption - is that they are inherently suspicious and malicious, and therefore sensitive and sensitive. The tyrannical government wants the lowly and impudent preacher to "if he says it's day, it's night", to turn his impudent eyes to the source of the shining sun, and to hear the cry of his slave, "Here is the moon and spring".

The government of terror and suffocation, the praisers of the power system, consider their great idol to be a woven fabric that is the embodiment of absolute reason and the details of its behavior are in accordance with the pure "right", and in this understanding of ignorance and deception, everyone is a pen against their will and taste. On paper Zand is the leader of foreigners and the enemy of the nation and condemned to death.

The history of the awakening of Iranians is the description of the efforts of a nation that died and came to life from the oppression of tyranny in the way of establishing individual government and establishing a legal military and creating a society. free and progressive; And in the rampant and illogical rule of tyranny, whatever you write about such a book is incompatible with the sensitive taste of the people in power and a disaster for the author's life. His courtiers rebelled and shielded their chests against the spears of the Silakhori regiment and were not afraid of threats, excommunication, imprisonment, and killing, with the wish to establish a rational and reasonable government in this unbroken land and benefit from social security and human dignity, etc. So-and-so ruling khan or Prince Belhous should not have oppressive control over life, property, honor, and above all, over his thoughts. He was bored; He rose up and killed him, and his bloodthirsty grandson pulled him down from the royal throne, hoping that from then on he would have authority and, with his own ballot, the ruling body would choose to be his servant and not his lord. And we all know that these noble goals and heart-warming dreams, a few years later - due to various reasons and the most important of all, public ignorance - were lost, and the game of tyranny entered the stage of government in a different color and in a different dress, and ended the days of freedom seekers. He became exalted and put a powerful foot on the expanse of his dreams as if there were no borders. As a ceremonial and irresponsible existence, he was forbidden to interfere in the affairs of the government and considered his reign to be the result of the will of the nation instead of seeing it as the product of divine help and approval. And with the slogan "What is the command of Yazdan, what is the command of the Shah" he reached the position of "Ank Ali the All Mighty One" and took the dead person with two hands so that the poor thing became suspicious and polluted the throne and the coffin.

The readers of this book, who are often in the stages after the age of 30, are the era of the progressive center and the assembly of Resurrection and Jash. They remember the idiotic ending of 2500 years and the silly shows of the hundred thousand people stadium and they know how difficult it was to write in those days and where the sensibility of the rulers of Nukersaresht reached. And they know what difficulties the analysis of the contents of a book such as Tarikh Bidari coincided with. Constitutional revolution books; Description of struggle and victory

By the dawn of the 20th century, Iran was collapsing due to the crisis. Iran lost its economic and political independence by the Russian and British empires because a prosperous absolute monarchy had turned Iran into a debtor country. They knew that they could finally force the king to submit to the rule of law. This is how the constitution was written for the first time in the Islamic world and the parliament started working.

Ahmed Kasravi, a well-known author, in this work takes the reader to life in Iran before the constitutional revolution and the causes It describes the emergence of the revolution, the writing of the constitution and the opening of the parliament.

In a part of the book of constitutional history, we read:

"- During the Qajar period, Iran became very weak and lost its greatness and Its status and reputation decreased a lot, and the motivation for this was more than one thing, and that is that the world has changed and the countries have been shaken, but Iran remains the same as before. They didn't do anything themselves and they didn't do anything to others either they left During the time of Muhammad Shah, Mirza Abul Qasim Qayyim was the Minister of Cooperation and he was leading the work well, but Muhammad Shah killed him and replaced him with Haji Mirza Aghasi. During the time of Naser al-Din Shah, Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir was trying to beautify Iran and... Naser al-Din Shah killed him... Then Haji Mizahosein Khan Sephesalar also rose to work... But Naser al-Din Shah did not keep him and the people did not appreciate him and his works. /p>

- Thus the rebellion ended after six days. But its results: First, the constitution was established and the loophole was closed. Second, the quantities of the constitution were considered and they began to write a "sequence" for it. Thirdly, Monsieur Nouz, who was a thorn in his side and caught the eyes of the Iranians, was fired. Fourthly, Mohammad Ali Mirza knew that his target is not Tehran, but Tabriz, and if he wants to overthrow the constitution, he should first try to find a solution there, and we will see what thoughts he had about that city."

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Iranian Constitutional revolution books; Description of struggle and victory

The constitutional era in Iran is related to concepts such as "revolution", "justice", "constitutional assembly", "government", "equality" and... Mashallah Ajudani, a former history professor at Isfahan University and head of the Iranian Library in London, has tried to examine the views of religious scholars and intellectuals regarding constitutionalism. He considers the studies conducted with a nostalgic view about the constitutional period to be unfounded and lacking in credibility.

Ajodani calls the constitutional movement an "incomplete revolution" and believes that the incomplete constitutional revolution failed to fulfill one of the most important wishes of the constitutionalists. It means that the unity of the nation and the government should take effect and put an end to this long-standing dispute. The difference that arises from inside and outside of our religious culture and flourishes in the tyrannical atmosphere of our society to become one of the most fundamental obstacles to the growth and expansion of civil society. :

"In the institution of Islam, political leadership has not been separated from religious leadership. During the period of the Prophet and even in other ways during the period of the rightful caliphs, politics and religion were two sides of the government coin. That is, the government was a religious government, and the religious leader was also a political leader.

From the Umayyad period, although religious and political government were apparently still mixed, the caliphate and the government gradually took on the color and flavor of the monarchy and the caliphate. The election of the Rashidin caliphs became a hereditary caliphate. As a result, the Islamic empire came under the supervision of a caliphate, whose monarchy and politics affected its religion. Iran was also trapped in the core of this new political power for a long time, until the first major blow to the power and influence of the Caliphate came with the establishment of the Taherian hereditary government, and the hidden and open movement that sought the independence of Iran took place in a corner of its soil. . The relationship between the Saffarians and Samanids and the caliphate in the era of the rule of the Shiite Al-Buyeh regime underwent a deep transformation and the rule of the Abbasid caliphs lost its legitimacy. It was that little by little, both in practice and opinion, there was a gap between the Iranian governments and the caliphate, and finally Iran's political independence from the Islamic Empire was realized during the reign of Al Boyeh, and the most serious blows were inflicted on the power of the caliphate. The crisis that the Caliphate suffered was not limited to the practical world. The crisis was also reflected in the philosophical thinking of the era. Abu Nasr al-Farabi, the "Shiite philosopher Mashreb", is the first thinker of the Islamic era who, by entering into the "intellectual discussion about the government system of the Islamic era", discussed the crisis of the caliphate and the "crisis of the succession of the Prophet of Islam" in a philosophical discussion. The tradition was used in the political justification of "Khilafah" with the concept of "closing the circle of prophecy". As it was said, in the era of the Prophet - and even to some extent during the period of the rightly caliphs - government was not separate from religion, that is, religious leadership was the same as political leadership. The concept of this twin leadership was that the prophet gave the rules and conditions of religious and political life to the people through revelation, and whatever he gave according to Sharia law, the government was based on that. The rightly caliphs also, because they had lived with the Prophet and still remembered many of those principles and rules of the Sharia and were seeking to compile them, they were still responsible for the continuation of the tradition of the Prophet in politics, and in a sense, the government in their era, in a political sense. And whether it was religious in its religious sense. But after the prophet, according to Sunnis, the circle of prophethood was closed and no one could reach the rules and conditions of religious and political life of Muslims through revelation. Therefore, politics could no longer be in the meaning of religion, as it was understood in the era of the Prophet. With such an argument, the way was opened for the Umayyad and Abbasid governments, who made the caliphate a hereditary monarchy. Therefore, their hereditary political authority was legitimized in ruling over Muslims, even though they lacked the necessary religious qualifications.">Iran between two Constitutional revolution books; Description of struggle and victory

"Iran between two revolutions" started from the Qajar period and the events that led To examine the constitutional revolution has done. The book is not satisfied with this part of history and has analyzed the events after the constitutional revolution and the coming to power of Reza Shah's government. Yervand Abrahamian, a professor at the history school of Oxford, Princeton and New York universities, and the author of this work, analyzes the mutual effects of Iran's political organizations and social forces from the 19th century to the 1357 Islamic Revolution. It divides social forces into "ethnic groups" and "social classes" and examines the effects of political systems on social systems according to the achievements of sociologists. The author begins his work by explaining the social and political structure of the Qajar period and the causes and consequences of the constitutional revolution. He continues by examining the period of Reza Shah and his fall and the critical years of Shahrivar 20 to August 1332 and emphasizes this period, especially the influence of political forces. , spends the years after the coup until the threshold of the Islamic Revolution with the motive of finding the root causes of the revolution and the effective forces in it, and analyzes the most important events and effective political and social forces of this period and concludes that the cause of the revolution is the development of heterogeneity It was the regime of Mohammad Reza Shah, whether he wanted it or not. Abrahamian ends his review by examining the important role of Islam and the decisive role of Imam Khomeini (RA) in the victory of the revolution. It was the former moderate party. This party, which supported a similar conservative agenda, was led by prominent clergymen, wealthy businessmen, and landed gentry: Madras, a bold preacher who always insisted that he could not separate his religious beliefs from political decisions; Prince Firoz Farmanfarma, who came directly from exile to the new parliament after Seyyed Zia's dismissal; Ahmad Qavam al-Sultaneh, the younger brother of Watuq al-Dawlah and the great landowner of Gilan, and who as a young educated man in the court of Muzaffaruddin Shah agreed with the demands of the constitutionalists in 1905, and in fact the royal declaration granting the constitution was written in his beautiful and masterful handwriting; Morteza Qolikhan Bayat Sahamul-Sultan, one of the big landowners in the central regions of Iran; Seyyed Ahmad Behbahani, the son of the famous mujtahid who was killed in 1289; Seyyed Mehdi Fatemi al-Sultaneh, one of the rich landowners of Isfahan; and the powerful son-in-law of Zalul Sultan; and Ali Kazroni Sadr al-Salam, one of the successful and prosperous merchants of Bushehr. These conservatives formed the majority of the fourth parliament. Interestingly, the success of this group was the result of the same electoral law that the reformers approved during the chaotic period of the third parliament. By granting the right to vote to all men, including villagers, this new law inadvertently strengthened the rural elite."

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Iran between Islamic nationalism and Constitutional revolution books; Description of struggle and victory

The works related to Iran's constitutional revolution have so far focused on the events of Tehran, Tabriz and, to some extent, Isfahan. As a result, few studies have been written about the events of other states and cities.

However, the book "Iran between Islamic Nationalism and Secularism" tries to provide a balanced analysis by reviewing this centralist narrative.

In this work, the author first analyzed the role of Islamic controversies in the last years of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century and its connection with secular ideas, and then analyzed the categories of these controversies in the cities of Tabriz, Shiraz, Isfahan and Bushehr.

Analyzing the interaction between Islam and secularism in this turbulent period, he concludes that the developments of the constitutional revolution in each of the discussed cities had a special characteristic of that region, and that some of those developments even They have been very influential in the course of the subsequent developments of the contemporary history of Iran.

According to the author, the result of the developments of this period in Isfahan is the emergence of Islamist nationalism, which appeared a little later in the Islamic Revolution of 1357.

In a part of the book Iran Between Islamic Nationalism and Secularism we read:

"Constitution arose from the heart of Islam and is a means for It is the mobilization of all the people instead of a few idle and useless soldiers against foreign aggression. With the unity of the people and the government, the country has become much stronger and will not be divided. The government is for the interests of Islam and the whole nation, and it is not in the service of just one person or a handful of people who are traitors to the religion and the government. Taxes will not be misused (in other words, accounting will be done) and the backward industry, trade and agriculture of the country will flourish and full employment will be created, and Ahzan's cottage will become Golestan one day. Finally, recalling the fact that foreign powers look at the unity of the people as the source of power, he emphasized that Iran is favored by [God] because its people have a single religion that is based on the Qur'an and Sharia.

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History of Modern Constitutional revolution books; Description of struggle and victory

"History of Modern Iran" is the last work written by Yervand Abrahamian. This book has a simple and unpretentious language and has avoided excessive details. after Studying the work of the professor of Baroque College of New York University, you will get to know the generalities and major trends of Iran's contemporary history during the last two centuries.

The first part of the book deals with life during the Qajar dynasty. The existence of eastern autocracy, the power of local khans and the establishment of the lord-vassal system are analyzed. The second part of the book, the roots of the constitutional movement, the constitutional revolution, the establishment of the state and the government based on it, petty tyranny, the resulting wars It also examines the bottlenecks of the constitutional system.

The third chapter of the book, which is called Reza Shah's Iron Fist Policy, deals with Reza Shah's rise to power in Iran and its consequences. The events of 1299 to 1320 AH are mentioned in this chapter. The laws and regulations of Reza Shah's era caused huge changes in the field of society and culture of Iranians. For this reason, the author has devoted a part of this chapter to the relationship between the government and the society in the first Pahlavi era.

The fourth chapter of the history of modern Iran is called the nationalist period. This part of the book analyzes the events of 1320 to 1332. During this period, Iran experiences relative freedom. The forces that were angry with Reza Shah, namely the clerics and some nobles, are returning to the political sphere of Iran and new groups and social forces are also announcing their existence. In this chapter, the nationalistic and nationalistic thoughts of Iranians and the national government of Dr. Mossadegh are specifically mentioned. The nationalization movement of the oil industry, the 28 August coup and its consequences are analyzed.

The fifth chapter of this work is very important. It analyzes events such as the White Revolution, the formation of a one-party government, etc., which happened between 1332 and 1356.

The final part of the book is about the victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1357, the events leading to the formation of the Islamic Republic and the The constitution deals with it.

In a part of the modern Iranian history book, we read:

"Kingdoms that are mentioned in history are governed in two ways: either by a king who subjects all the people Ovind and his ministers participate in the administration of the kingdom under the shadow of his mercy, or it is administered by the Shahryar and nobles who have not obtained their high position under the shadow of the Shahryar, but inherited it from their ancestors. These nobles have property and subjects of their own, and their subjects know their Lord and naturally love them. But in countries that are governed by a Shahriar and his servants, the Shahriar has more authority, because in the whole country, everyone is in charge of him, and the people know others by the name of minister and secretary, and they have no respect for them. The examples of these two types of government in our time are the Turkish kingdom and the French kingdom. 19th century Europeans generally saw the Qajar kings as a perfect example of an "oriental despot". But the undisputed authority of the kings was nothing more than an appearance. In his speech, the Shah claimed to have a monopoly on the means of applying force, administrative and judicial, financial and judicial. His word was considered legal. He had the power to dismiss and install officials, including court ministers, governors of provinces, chiefs of tribes, villages, and lower positions, as well as assigning or withdrawing positions, granting or withdrawing privileges, honors, and special titles. The king considered the whole country as his personal property and could claim all properties. After traveling to different regions of Iran and making extensive use of the archives of the Department of India (in the British Foreign Office), in the conclusion of his historical work Iran and the Iranian Problem, Lord Curzon makes an exaggerated claim that the king is practically "the axis of circulation of all the affairs of the kingdom". And it has all the "judicial, executive and legislative work of the government" in one hand.

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